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This intervention brings together insights from race critical theories andhistorical sociology to provide a framework for understanding the longstandingracism against Romani people across Europe. It directly draws on Picker's 2017monograph Racial Cities , and argues that in order to understand the racialsegregation of Romani people in Europe, racial knowledge and colonial amnesiashould be squarely placed at the core of analytical scrutiny and politicalintervention. The reason for this is that when looking at several cases of urban authorities' actions on Romani people in 21st-century Europe, key similaritiescan be detected with colonial authories's actions on "natives" in the cities ofEuropean empires. ; This intervention brings together insights from race critical theories and historical sociology to provide a framework for understanding the longstanding racism against Romani people across Europe. It directly draws on Picker's 2017 monograph Racial Cities , and argues that in order to understand the racial segregation of Romani people in Europe, racial knowledge and colonial amnesia should be squarely placed at the core of analytical scrutiny and political intervention. The reason for this is that when looking at several cases of urban authorities' actions on Romani people in 21st-century Europe, key similarities can be detected with colonial authories's actions on "natives" in the cities of European empires.

AbstractBridging debates on urban sovereignty and urban informality, this paper argues that relationships between sovereignty and informality may not reside exclusively in the way the sovereign state decides to allow or forbid informality, but also in the way sovereignty is distributed among a range of state and non‐state actors. Drawing upon fieldwork on the early‐2010s management of displaced Romanian Romani families in two emergency camps in the city of Montreuil (France), the paper shows how the NGO responsible for managing one camp acted as sovereign power, allowing a number of informal activities to thrive within its confines. By contrast, inside the other camp, managed by another NGO that resolutely implemented state directives, only formal activities took place. Building on Dean's (2010) concept of 'disaggregated sovereignty', the paper mobilizes this disjuncture as a case for critically examining how the 'state of exception' takes shape beyond the state's grip. A subtext running throughout is the parallel between the very first camps for civilians in nineteenth‐century colonized territories and these twenty‐first‐century camps for Roma in Europe—both elicited a state of exception partially predicated on camp dwellers' perceived ethnic/racial homogeneity.

This intervention brings together insights from race critical theories and historical sociology to provide a framework for understanding the longstanding racism against Romani people across Europe. It directly draws on Picker's 2017 monograph Racial Cities, and argues that in order to understand the racial segregation of Romani people in Europe, racial knowledge and colonial amnesia should be squarely placed at the core of analytical scrutiny and political intervention. The reason for this is that when looking at several cases of urban authorities' actions on Romani people in 21st-century Europe, key similarities can be detected with colonial authories's actions on "natives" in the cities of European empires.

Social science studies have not often looked at the links between broad dynamics of social closure and everyday local idioms of difference in post-socialist Europe. In this article I give a theoretical and empirical contribution to research on the links between 'cultural intimacy' and urban marginality in times of massive neoliberal restructuring in the region. Drawing on fieldwork in Cluj-Napoca (Romania) I ethnographically investigate the everyday working of two verbal icons indexing peculiar characterizations of Roma, and I discuss the multiple ways through which they contribute to informing policy making, and ultimately to perpetuating the conditions of social marginality and segregation under which a significant number of Romani families live. Civil servants and the workers of a periphery neighbourhood articulate those irons in different ways, yet similarly constructing a space of cultural intimacy that functions both as a vector of exclusion of Roma from the ethno-moral boundaries of the nation, and, creatively, as a type of sociality securing a certain distance from the EU gaze and its discourse of tolerance. Adapted from the source document.

In this article the author focuses on the policies concerning the Roma in Florence, against the background of the recent eruption of exclusionary policy measures targeting Roma in Italy. In the mid-1980s the Tuscan regional council decided to construct urban camps as housing solutions for the Roma fleeing the economic and political dissolution of Yugoslavia. The author draws on the fieldwork he has conducted in Florence in 2007 and 2008, and borrows from Apparudai's (1996) reflections on the "world of representation" in relation to globalization. He historically dissects the political imagination behind camp policies concerning Roma in Tuscany through the early 2000s. He also shows that in 2007 the fundamental traits of that representation persisted in Florentine civil servants' views and practices vis-à-vis Roma. In the conclusion, the author defines the policy category "nomadism" as the main "political technology" which has allowed urban segregation of Roma in Florence to persist from the mid-1980s. More generally, the author argues that deploying "nomadism" as policy category was the condition under which over the last thirty years a single governmental system has been crystallizing.

This article aims to offer a preliminary theorization of some of the on-going effects of the global COVID-19 pandemic on minorities. Drawing on Antonio Gramsci's famous characterization of the crisis as an 'interregnum' in which various 'morbid phenomena' appear, we suggest that one of the main underpinning logics of the current crisis could be thought of in terms of racist morbidities. Framing the article within Stuart Hall's reading of Gramsci, we discuss two empirical cases: the disproportionate morbid effects of the pandemic on Black, Asian and Minority Ethnic (BAME) in the UK – that we name 'political morbidities', and the Moscow municipality's measures addressing migrant workers during the pandemic – that we name 'socio-spatial morbidities'. The concept of racist morbidities, we conclude, can be a useful exploratory concept to analyse the current and other moments and structures of crisis.

Purpose
The purpose of this paper is to introduce the special issue on race and place.


Design/methodology/approach
The approach used by the authors is to combine an overview of sociological debates on place within a framework that makes the case for a relational approach to race, space and place.


Findings
The overview provides an account of place in sociology, of the relationality of race and place, and the making of race and place in sociological work.


Originality/value
The Introduction sets the papers in context, providing a short account of each of them; it also aims to present an argument for attention to race and place in sociology in a setting characterized by racism and reaction.

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to introduce the special issue on Race and Place. Design/methodology/approach The approach used by the authors is to combine an overview of sociological debates on place within a framework that makes the case for a relational approach to race, space and place. Findings The overview provides an account of place in sociology, of the relationality of race and place, and the making of race and place in sociological work. Originality/value The Introduction sets the papers in context, providing a short account of each of them; it also aims to present an argument for attention to race and place in sociology in a setting characterised by racism and reaction. Keywords Racism, Space, Relational, Post-racial, Racialization